By Dana Villa
Theodor Adorno as soon as wrote an essay to "defend Bach opposed to his devotees." during this publication Dana Villa does a similar for Hannah Arendt, whose sweeping reconceptualization of the character and cost of political motion, he argues, has been coated over and domesticated via admirers (including serious theorists, communitarians, and participatory democrats) who had was hoping to enlist her of their much less radical philosophical or political initiatives. opposed to the present "Aristotelian" interpretation of her paintings, Villa explores Arendt's modernity, and certainly her postmodernity, in the course of the Heideggerian and Nietzschean subject matter of a holiday with culture on the closure of metaphysics.Villa's booklet, even though, is way greater than a trifling correction of misinterpretations of a massive thinker's paintings. relatively, he makes a persuasive case for Arendt because the postmodern or postmetaphysical political theorist, the 1st political theorist to imagine during the nature of political motion after Nietzsche's exposition of the demise of God (i.e., the cave in of goal correlates to our beliefs, ends, and purposes). After giving an account of Arendt's thought of motion and Heidegger's impression on it, Villa indicates how Arendt did justice to the Heideggerian and Nietzschean feedback of the metaphysical culture whereas fending off the political conclusions they drew from their opinions. the result's a wide-ranging dialogue not just of Arendt and Heidegger, yet of Aristotle, Kant, Nietzsche, Habermas, and the complete query of politics after metaphysics.
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Additional resources for Arendt and Heidegger: The Fate of the Political
56 The “factual transformation of the whole society into a laboring society” permeates human existence with a naturelike necessity and sameness. 57 Such are the vast and disturbing consequences Arendt sees ﬂowing from homo faber’s unlimited instrumentalism. The recovery of the distinction between praxis and poixsis is clearly essential to delimiting a public realm distinct from the state and the economy, and to preserving a space for freedom and the expression of plurality. I should add that the praxis/poixsis distinction is important not simply because it enables us to distinguish “communicative” from “purposive-rational” action, as Habermas suggests; rather, its real signiﬁcance is that it reminds us that action and plurality have intrinsic value; that freedom resides in the self-containedness of action.
84 Such needs are urgent, undeniable, necessary: the attempt to meet them through politi- 30 • C H A P T E R 1 • cal means inevitably produces terror; because while politics can “transcend” nature, it cannot overcome it. As Arendt notes, “It was necessity . . ” Arendt’s judgments on this issue seem exceptionally severe, bordering on the reactionary. Does she not realize that political freedom is meaningless where humanity remains enslaved to nature? 85 Her point is that so long as biological necessity forms an irreducible dimension of the human condition, freedom is possible only through the strict separation of activities relating to the life process and those relating to politics.
The political association makes it possible by endowing its members with freedom and equality. Liberated from direct concern with the problems of life maintenance, citizens (the heads of households) are free to devote themselves to the pursuit and preservation of virtue in their community. 10 An individual must have daily contact with fellow citizens concerning matters of a more than instrumental signiﬁcance if he is to develop his potential for reasoned speech and his sense of justice. It is precisely in political interaction that the capacity for choice, judgment, and action is fully exercised, and that freedom is concretely realized.
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